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Mangaluru/Udupi, Jul 26: Karnataka’s twin coastal districts of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi have recorded 369 new coronavirus positive cases and 10 more deaths related to the covid-19 in past 24 hours. 

Dakshina Kannada

With 199 new covid-19 cases, DK’s covid toll mounted to 4,811. The district also recorded eight new covid-related deaths. The death toll mounted to 123. 

Among the 199 new cases are 31 primary contacts, 73 with influenza-like illness (ILI), and 10 with severe acute respiratory illness (SARI). As many as 83 cases are under investigation. Two of the patients have international travel history.

Eight deaths:

A 71-year-old man from Mangaluru, who was admitted to a private hospital on July 19, passed away on July 23. He was diagnosed with ARDS/multiorgan dysfunction, chronic renal disease, diabetes, and hypertension. His throat swabs tested positive for covid-19. 

A 70-year-old man from Mangaluru, who was admitted to a private hospital on July 20, passed away on July 24. He had developed sepsis, chronic kidney disease, lower respiratory tract infection, and other ailments. 

A 55-year-old man from Puttur was admitted to a private hospital on July 23, and passed away a day later. He was diagnosed with septic shock with acute kidney injury with severe metaboic acidosis. 

A 56-year-old man from Mangaluru who was admitted to a private hospital on July 20 passed away on July 24. He was suffering from acute respiratory distress syndrome, multi-organ dysfunction syndrome and ischemic heart disease.

A 72-year-old man from Mangaluru who was admitted to a private hospital on July 18 passed away on July 24. He was suffering from refractory hypoxemia/refractory ARDS, septic shock, secondary bacterial infection, renal failure, acute coronary event, and other ailments. 

A 45-year-old woman from Mangaluru who was admitted to a private hospital on July 24 passed away the same day. She had been diagnosed with metastatic carcinoma of right lung and pneumonia. 

A 55-year-old man from Mangaluru who was admitted to a private hospital on July 21 and passed away on July 24. As per the district bulletin, he was suffering from refractory hypoxemia/refractory ARDS, septic shock, secondary bacterial infection, renal failure, acute coronary event, and other ailments.

A 70-year-old man from Mangaluru suffering from severe pneumonia with ARDS, multiorgan dysfunction, sepsis, chronic kidney disease and hypothyroidism was admitted to a private hospital on July 24 and passed away the same day.

Though the above patients contracted coronavirus, the exact cause of their deaths is being investigated by a team of experts and their report is awaited.

Udupi

The district recorded 170 new covid-19 cases and the total confirmed cases mounted to 3,388. Among the new cases, 86 are in Udupi, 31 in Kundapur, and 52 in Karkala. They include 106 male and 63 women. As many as 2,133 patients have been discharged so far, and 1,241 cases are currently active. 

The district also recorded two covid-19 related deaths – a woman and a man. One is a 63-year-old resident of Byndoor and the other is from Udupi's Indiranagar area. Both had been admitted to the ICU of a private hospital. 

Byndoor resident passed away on the night of Saturday July 26, the Udupi resident died on Sunday. The last rites of both the deceased were conducted as per protocol.

Jun 9: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants all 1.3 billion Indians to be “vocal for local” — meaning, to not just use domestically made products but also to promote them. As an overseas citizen living in Hong Kong, I’m doing my bit by very vocally demanding Indian mangoes on every trip to the grocery. But half the summer is gone, and not a single slice so far.

My loss is due to India’s COVID-19 lockdown, which has severely pinched logistics, a perennial challenge in the huge, infrastructure-starved country. But more worrying than the disruption is the fruity political response to it. Rather than being a wake-up call for fixing supply chains, the pandemic seems to be putting India on an isolationist course. Why?

Granted that the liberal view that trade is good and autarky bad isn’t exactly fashionable anywhere right now. What makes India’s lurch troublesome is that the pace and direction of economic nationalism may be set by domestic business interests. The Indian liberals, many of whom are Western-trained academics, authors and — at least until a few years ago — policy makers, want a more competitive economy. They will be powerless to prevent the slide.

Modi’s call for a self-reliant India has been echoed by Home Minister Amit Shah, the cabinet’s unofficial No. 2, in a television interview. If Indians don’t buy foreign-made goods, the economy will see a jump, he said. The strategy — although it’s too nebulous yet to call it that — has a geopolitical element. A military standoff with China is under way, apparently triggered by India’s completion of a road and bridge near the common border in the tense Himalayan region of Ladakh. It’s very expensive to fight even a limited war there. With India’s economy flattened by COVID, New Delhi may be looking for ways to restore the status quo and send Beijing a signal.

Economic boycotts, such as Chinese consumers’ rejection of Japanese goods over territorial disputes in the East China Sea, are well understood as statecraft. In these times, it’s not even necessary to name an enemy. An undercurrent of popular anger against China, the source of both the virus and India’s biggest bilateral trade deficit, is supposed to do the job. But is it ever that easy?

A hastily introduced policy to stock only local goods in police and paramilitary canteens became a farcical exercise after the list of banned items ended up including products by the local units of Colgate-Palmolive Co., Nestle SA, and Unilever NV, which have had significant Indian operations for between 60 and 90 years, as well as Dabur India Ltd., a New Delhi-based maker of Ayurveda brands. The since-withdrawn list demonstrates the practical difficulty of bureaucrats trying to find things in a globalized world that are 100% indigenous.

Free-trade champions fret that the prime minister, whom they saw as being on their side six years ago, is acting against their advice to dismantle statist controls on land, labor and capital to help make the country more competitive. Engage with the world more, not less, they caution. But Modi also has to satisfy the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the umbrella Hindu organisation that gets him votes. Its backbone of small traders, builders and businessmen — the RSS admits only men — was losing patience with the anemic economy even before the pandemic. Now, they’re in deep trouble, because India’s broken financial system won’t deliver even state-guaranteed loans to them.

The U.S.-China tensions — over trade, intellectual property, COVID responsibility and Hong Kong’s autonomy — offer a perfect backdrop. A dire domestic economy and trouble at the border provide the foreground. Big business will dial economic nationalism up and down to hit a trifecta of goals: Block competition from the People's Republic; make Western rivals fall in line and do joint ventures; and tap deep overseas capital markets. The first goal is being achieved with newly placed restrictions on investment from any country that shares a land border with India. The second aim is to be realized by corporate lobbying to influence India's whimsical economic policies. As for the third objective, with the regulatory environment becoming tougher for U.S.-listed Chinese companies like Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., an opportunity may open up for Indian firms.

All this may bring India Shenzhen-style enclaves of manufacturing and trade, but it will concentrate economic power in fewer hands, something that worries liberals. They’re moved by the suffering of India’s low-wage workers, who have borne the brunt of the COVID shutdown. But when their vision of a more just society and fairer income distribution prompts them to make common cause with the ideological Left, they’re quickly repelled by the Marxist voodoo that all cash, property, bonds and real estate held by citizens or within the nation “must be treated as national resources available during this crisis.” Who will invest in a country that does that instead of just printing money?

At the same time, when liberals look to the business class, they see a sudden swelling of support for ideas like a universal basic income. They wonder if this isn’t a ploy by industry to outsource part of the cost of labor to the taxpayer. Slogans like Modi’s vocal-for-local stir the pot and thicken the confusion. The value-conscious Indian consumer couldn’t give two hoots for calls to buy Indian, but large firms will know how to exploit economic nationalism. One day soon, I’ll get my mangoes — from them.