Udupi: Girl child found murdered a day after she was allegedly kidnapped

Bengaluru, Jul 16: Amid difficulties being faced by COVID-19 patients in getting beds, the Karnataka government on Wednesday made bed allocation display board mandatory in all hospitals registered under Karnataka Private Medical Establishment (KPME).

"It is made mandatory that all hospitals registered under KPME in Karnataka State should display at the reception counter, a bed allocation display board," a notification issued by the state government read.

"It should display the name of the hospital, the total number of beds (as per of KPME registration) and the total number of beds allocated for COVID-19 patients referred by Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP)," it said.

The notification further stressed that the data must corroborate with the data of the central bed allocation system of BBMP. The display board should be arranged by July 16.

Non-compliance to the order issued by the state government will attract punishment under relevant sections of the Disaster Management Act 2005 and Indian Penal Code, the order read.

The state government on June 23 issued a notification making it mandatory to reserve 50 per cent of the beds in private hospitals to treat COVID-19 patients referred by public health authorities.

Mangaluru, Jan 15: The coastal city of Mangaluru witnessed a historic event as a sea of humanity converged at the Shah Gardan Maidan in Adyar-Kannur to register their protest against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR) besides the “categorical mistreatment” of Muslim community at the hands of the police across the country including in Mangaluru.

The protest is jointly being organised by the various Muslim organisations of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi district under the leadership of Muslim Central Committee. 

The main staged is named after Shaheed Jaleel Kudroli and Shaheed Nausheen, who were ruthlessly gunned down by the police during a chaos that erupted on December 19 in the city due to police batten charge against people during a minor protest against NRC. 

Even thought the police had banned public transport and blocked the highway to reduce the number of protesters, around one-and-a-half lakh people had reached the venue when the historic meeting commenced at 2:30 p.m. By 4 p.m. the number of protesters crossed 2 lakh, according to the organisers.

Both sides of the highway were filled with those who came to witness the rally and traffic went haywire along a five-kilometre stretch of the road. The people who took part in the rally were seen waving national flags.

The protest rally was inaugurated by Udupi Khazi Bekal Ibrahim Musliyar. Dua was offered by Dakshina Kannada Khazi Twaka Ahmed Musliyar. 

Addressing the protesters, former IAS officer and activist Kannan Gopinathan alleged that the Centre wants to create fear among all sections of people and silence them. Society began to protest when the government crossed the limits and put curbs on democratic freedom, he claimed.

The Centre thought that they can get away with CAA and NRC. However, people have realised the truth and have started coming out onto the streets, Gopinathan added.

Activist Harsh Mander said the theme of the protest against the CAA and NRC is "national flag in one hand, Constitution is another and people will march forward with love in their hearts”.

“The fight against NRC is the fight for the protection of our Constitution. The BJP is using NRC as a weapon to divide the people after Article 370 and Ram Mandir construction," he said and warned the Centre: “The more you try to divide us, the stronger and united we’ll be”

Human rights activist Shivasundar said the "chowkidar" appointed by the people is now asking them whether they are the real owners of their houses.

The BJP only delivered hollow promises which is evident from the rising unemployment, fall in GDP, farmers suicides and the economic slowdown, he alleged.

MLA UT Khader, MLC BM Farooq, former MLA Mohiyuddin Bava, Muslim central committee president KS Mohammed Masood, Ullal Qazi Fazal Koyamma Tangal, Dakshina Kannada district Wakf committee president UK Monu Kanachur, Sunni Youth Federation state general secretary Abdul Rashid Zaini and Karnataka Samastha Mushavara state secretary UK Abdul Aziz Darimi were present among others.

Also Read: 

#MangaluruAgainstNRC | Undeclared bandh in parts of Dakshina Kannada

‘Who are you? Are you British?’ PFI leader lambasts Mangaluru top cop at anti-NRC protest

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.