The birth of ‘Bearywood’

[email protected] (SAFIA NAEEM)
June 14, 2011

With the first ever Beary language movie - ‘Byari’, Director Suveeran, has employed his own techniques to butter popcorn with the landmark movie, which opened simultaneously in Prabhat and Big Cinema in Mangalore.

 

In Suveeran’s own words: “Althaf Hussain, who is producing the film under the banner of Thanneer Films, needs real appreciation for venturing into Beary film-dom,” even though he took up the task, after the Tulu cinema traversed several milestones.

 

Mr Hussain, who is confident that the movie would surely win accolades at national level, says that ‘Byari’ has already received overwhelming appreciation from the audience as well as from the cine-experts when it was screened at International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) and Habitat Film Festival in New Delhi.

 

Moreover, the involvement of renowned actors of South India such as Mamu Koya of Mollywood and ‘My Autograph’ famed Maillika of Kollywood, has naturally raised the eyebrows of the Beary cine-lovers.

 

However, the birth of what could be termed as ‘Bearywood’, is not free from the labour pain, as the controversies remained inseparable from the much vaunted movie, even before it could become a milestone in the robust and rich Beary cultural history.

 

But the filmmakers appeared to be the firm believers in the maxim no publicity is bad publicity.

 

The controversy is all about the central plot of the movie, which, according to renowned Kannada litterateur Sara Aboobaker, is a rip off from her most popular but controversial novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The same people, who attacked me when I wrote the novel nearly 27 years ago, now stole the story from the same novel to produce a cinema for their own benefit,” fumes Sara. “No other word can be suitable for these people than ‘thieves’. Yes, they are thieves. But they cannot go ahead doing whatever they want, as I have already launched a legal battle against them” the 75-year-old writer thunders.

 

However, Irfan Chokkabettu, the script writer of the film, denies Sara Aboobakar’s claims. He says the entire story of the film is based on a real-life story of a woman who still resides at Chokkabettu near Surathkal. “I was a witness for what happened in that woman’s life during 1998, when the coastal region was rocked by communal riots. The woman is still happily living with her husband and two children in Chokkabettu” he says.

 

“I was familiar with the name Sara Aboobakar. But, I never knew that Sara Aboobakar is a female and she has written a novel called ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’,” says Irfan, adding that he came to know the story of her novel only after the shooting of the film had been commenced.

 

The film Byari has a strong message for those who seek divorce on flimsy gounds. If veteran actor Mamu Koya, who is a prominent character in the film, was right, the concepts like Talaq and Iddath are at the centre stage of this film too.

 

Mr Koya also stunned his own team by claiming in a television interview that the story was indeed based on Chandragiriya Theeradalli.

 

The story revolves around Nadira, a young girl whose marriage was fixed with an elderly male as soon as she reached puberty. After initial period of anxiety and apprehension, she settles down with her husband who is thrice her age.

 

In a sudden turn of events, Nadira’s father, for his personal gains, forces her to break her relationship with her husband and brought back to her parental house.

 

It is in this backdrop, ‘Byari’ movie revolves around the sufferings of Nadira and finally the film has a happy ending as she once again unites with her husband.

 

Even though Nadira, is a familiar character for those who have read ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’, Mr Irfan questions how could Islamic systems such as ‘Talaq and Iddath’ and a popular name of a girl be a copyright issue for a writer like Sara Aboobaker?

 

Clarifying that the storyline of ‘Byari’ is not against the Holy Qur’an and Shariath law, Mr Irfan says, “We have only picturised the sufferings of a woman who got ‘Talaq’ due to her father’s whims and fancies. The film contains a warning for those who misuse Talaq or Iddath system, unlike Sara Aboobaker’s book that portrays Muslim women as being shackled by religious norms.”

 

The one hour 40 minute-long movie has only one song and has been shot at different localities in and around Mangalore namely Jokatte, Surathkal, Mukka, Bajpe and Thokkottu.

 

Mr Hussain, who claims that he has invested no less than Rs 55 lakh for ‘Byari’, says that the movie, uses a lot of techniques in the scenes now and then to get the message across.

 

The award-winning artistes have also contributed to the quality of the movie with their brilliant acting, he adds.

 

 

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Crew

 

Apart from Mamu Koya and Mallika most of the actors in the movie are local Beary amateur artistes. Producer Hussain himself has stood before camera mingling with fellow actors like Rahim Uchil, Ambika Mohan, Majeed, Riyaz Ashraf, Ashwathi, Prajeesh, Sudarshan, KTS Padanna, Shareef Katipalla, Roopa Varkadi, Asha, Altaf Krishnapura, Samshuddin Paradise, Baby Shatha and Shazin, Asfiya, Annath, Bathisha Puttur and Kabir Katipalla and others. Murali Krishnan is the camera-man.

 

Litterateur’s stance

 

Sara Aboobaker, who has won the highest literary award in the state namely Nadoja, claims that she has gathered sufficient proof to establish that the whole story of the film is based on her novel ‘Chandragiriya Theeradalli’.

 

“The copyright of the novel will exclusively be with the National Film Development Corporation (NFDC) until 2015 and nobody can reproduce it until then,” says Sara, accusing the ‘Byari’ team of using her name and fame for their publicity.

 

“I am aware that during the screening of ‘Byari’ in the International Film Festival of Thrissur (IFFT) in March this year, the crew had announced to the media that the film was based on the storyline of my celebrated novel,” she says.

 

“I have produced the documents of the actor Mamu Koya’s claim, which was aired in a local TV channel, as well as my novel, before the court. I am confident that I would win the battle,” she says.

 

The matter is in lower court and will be moved to district court if needed before releasing the movie in Mangalore, says litterateur.

 

Unforgettable experience

 

Mallika who played the role of Nadira, says that she cannot forget her experience during the shooting of ‘Byari’.

 

“I was so excited when I was approached for ‘Byari’, knowing that it was the first Beary movie. I am so happy that I too have become a part of a history through the first ever film of a regional language”, she says adding that the experience while shooting the movie was unforgettable.

 

“There is a scene where I fight with my father over my marital life. The scene has come so naturally and I always cherish the moments throughout my life”

 

Mamu Koya loves Beary!

 

The national award winning Malayalam comedian Mamu Koya, who has played the role of Nadira’s (Mallika’s) father in ‘Byari’ says that he cultivated love for Beary during the shooting.

 

“I enjoyed the shooting and loved Beary language too”, says Koya, who has already acted in more than 500 Malayalam films.

 

He says “Though my role in ‘Byari’ is quite opposite to that of ‘Perumazhakalam’, where an aging father who was helpless in his daughter’s fight against the odds to save her husband’s life, it gave me opportunities to emote as in ‘Perumazhakalam’”

 

Recalling that ‘Perumazhakalam’ had bagged National Film Award for Best Film in 2005, he says, that you cannot expect awards all the time.

 

However, Mr Koya never forgets to add that the Mangaloreans are so progressive and cooperative. “Yes, I would love to act in Beary language, which is similar to Malayalam, and would not miss opportunities in future also.”

 

Interview

 

Suveeran, an award-winning playwright and director of plays and short films, has made his debut in feature film direction with the very first film of Beary language- ‘Byari’. A product of the School of Drama, Thrissur, and the National School of Drama, New Delhi, the Kerala based director’s first love remains theatre though.

 

suveeran1

 

Q: Being a Malayalam director, why did you experiment your first feature film in Beary language?

A: It is just technical. I have already directed almost five short films in Malayalam. When ‘Byari’ project came to me, I initially denied to do it because it was nothing related to me at all and I am basically from theatre. However, my producer, who is a sensible gentleman, gave the script and asked me to rethink on it.

 

Q: How did you feel the transition from theatre to film?

A: Film is just a mechanical production, and it can exist even after my life while drama, which has a life, is a live performance. And, of course like every drama-cum-film director, I too prefer working in drama than film. But I know it is difficult to get an audience to communicate my ideas through the medium of theatre.

 

Q: Would you like to work in Beary language again?

A: I will certainly work if a project like ‘Byari’ comes up again, but so far there is no other project in Beary language.

 

Q: ‘Byari’ bagged appreciation in Film festivals in Thrissur and New Delhi. To whom should the credit go?

A: To everyone who worked for it. The whole team has given 100 per cent for ‘Byari’

 

Que: How does the film appeal the audience in terms of cinematic aesthetics?

Ans: ‘Byari’ is an art movie. An art is just a self-expression. I don’t care about the reaction of the audience, as they are independent. Whether ‘Byari’ appeals you or not is dependent of how you see the life or the world or any other thing.

 

 

 

 

 

Comments

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Sunday, 4 Jun 2017

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Ram Puniyani
February 4,2020

As democracy is seeping in slowly all over the world, there is an organization which is monitoring the degree of democracy in the individual countries, The Economist Intelligence Unit. As such in each country there are diverse factors which on one hand work to deepen it, while others weaken it. Overall there is a march from theoretical democracy to substantive one. The substantive democracy will herald not just the formal equality, freedom and community feeling in the country but will be founded on the substantive quality of these values. In India while the introduction of modern education, transport, communication laid the backdrop of beginning of the process, the direction towards deepening of the process begins with Mahatma Gandhi when he led the non-cooperation movement in 1920, in which average people participated. The movement of freedom for India went on to become the ‘greatest ever mass movement’ in the World.

The approval and standards for democracy were enshrined in Indian Constitution, which begins ‘We the people of India’, and was adopted on 26th January 1950. With this Constitution and the policies adopted by Nehru the process of democratization started seeping further, the dreaded Emergency in 1975, which was lifted later restored democratic freedoms in some degree. This process of democratisation is facing an opposition since the decade of 1990s after the launch of Ram Temple agitation, and has seen the further erosion with BJP led Government coming to power in 2014. The state has been proactively attacking civil liberties, pluralism and participative political culture with democracy becoming flawed in a serious way. And this is what got reflected in the slipping of India by ten places, to 51st, in 2019. On the index of democracy India slipped down from the score of 7.23 to 6.90. The impact of sectarian BJP politics is writ on the state of the nation, country.

Ironically this lowering of score has come at a time when the popular protests, the deepening of democracy has been given a boost and is picking up with the Shaheen Bagh protests. The protest which began in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi in the backdrop of this Government getting the Citizenship amendment Bill getting converted into an act and mercilessly attacking the students of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University along with high handed approach in Jamia Nagar and neighbouring areas.  From 15th December 2019, the laudable protest is on.

It is interesting to note that the lead in this protest has been taken by the Muslim women, from the Burqa-Hijab clad to ‘not looking Muslim’ women and was joined by students and youth from all the communities, and later by the people from all the communities. Interestingly this time around this Muslim women initiated protest has contrast from all the protests which earlier had begun by Muslims. The protests opposing Shah Bano Judgment, the protests opposing entry of women in Haji Ali, the protests opposing the Government move to abolish triple Talaq. So far the maulanas from top were initiating the protests, with beard and skull cap dominating the marches and protests. The protests were by and large for protecting Sharia, Islam and were restricted to Muslim community participating.

This time around while Narendra Modi pronounced that ‘protesters can be identified by their clothes’, those who can be identified by their external appearance are greatly outnumbered by all those identified or not identified by their appearance.

The protests are not to save Islam or any other religion but to protect Indian Constitution. The slogans are structured around ‘Defence of democracy and Indian Constitution’. The theme slogans are not Allahu Akbar’ or Nara-E-Tadbeer’ but around preamble of Indian Constitution. The lead songs have come to be Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s ‘Hum Dekhenge’, a protest against Zia Ul Haq’s attempts to crush democracy in the name of religion. Another leading protest song is from Varun Grover, ‘Tanashah Aayenge…Hum Kagaz nahin Dikhayenge’, a call to civil disobedience against the CAA-NRC exercise and characterising the dictatorial nature of the current ruling regime.

While BJP was telling us that primary problem of Muslim women is Triple talaq, the Muslim women led movements has articulated that primary problem is the very threat to Muslim community. All other communities, cutting across religious lines, those below poverty line, those landless and shelter less people also see that if the citizenship of Muslims can be threatened because of lack of some papers, they will be not far behind in the victimization process being unleashed by this Government.

While CAA-NRC has acted as the precipitating factor, the policies of Modi regime, starting from failure to fulfil the tall promises of bringing back black money, the cruel impact of demonetisation, the rising process of commodities, the rising unemployment, the divisive policies of the ruling dispensation are the base on which these protest movements are standing. The spread of the protest movement, spontaneous but having similar message is remarkable. Shaheen Bagh is no more just a physical space; it’s a symbol of resistance against the divisive policies, against the policies which are increasing the sufferings of poor workers, the farmers and the average sections of society.

What is clear is that as identity issues, emotive issues like Ram Temple, Cow Beef, Love Jihad and Ghar Wapasi aimed to divide the society, Shaheen Bagh is uniting the society like never before. The democratisation process which faced erosion is getting a boost through people coming together around the Preamble of Indian Constitution, singing of Jan Gan Man, waving of tricolour and upholding the national icons like Gandhi, Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar and Maulana Azad. One can feel the sentiments which built India; one can see the courage of people to protect what India’s freedom movement and Indian Constitution gave them.

Surely the communal forces are spreading canards and falsehood against the protests. As such these protests which is a solid foundation of our democracy. The spontaneity of the movement is a strength which needs to be channelized to uphold Indian Constitution and democratic ethos of our beloved country.

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Ram Puniyani
July 20,2020

As Covid 19 has created havoc all rounds, the rulers of certain countries are using it to further intensify their set agendas. The democratic freedoms are being curtailed in certain forms, the reaction to which has come in America in the form of a campaign, which is opposing “stifling” cultural climate that is imposing “ideological conformity” and weakening “norms of open debate and toleration of differences”. In India similar intimidations have been intensified. In addition the occasion has been used by the sectarian forces first to link the spread of Corona to Muslim community and now in the name of reducing the burden of curriculum certain chapters on core concepts related to Indian nationalism are being deleted from the text books.

It has been reported that chapters on federalism, citizenship, nationalism, secularism, Human Rights, Legal Aid and Local Self Government and the like are being dropped. Education has been an important area for communal forces and they constantly keep saying that leftists have dominated the curriculum content, it suffers from the impact of Macaulay, Marx and Mohammad and so needs to be Indianized. The first such attempt was done when BJP came to power in 1998 as NDA and had Murli Manohar Joshi as the MHRD minister. He brought the changes which were termed as ‘saffronization of education’. Their focus is more on social science. Some of the highlights of this were introduction of subjects like Astrology and Paurohitya, and chapters defending caste system, nationalism of the type of Hitler was praised.

With defeat of NDA in 2004, the UPA did try to rectify some of these distortions. Again after 2014 the RSS affiliates working in the area of education have been active, interacting with MHRD officials to impress upon them the need to change the curriculum matching with their Hindu nationalist agenda. Its ‘Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas’ has been asking for removal of English, Urdu words in the texts. It has asked for removal of thoughts of Rabindranath Tagore on Nationalism, extracts of autobiography of M F Husain, references to benevolence of Muslim rulers, references to BJP being Hindu party, apology of Dr. Manmohan Singh for anti Sikh pogrom of 1984, the reference to killings of Gujarat carnage in 2002 among others. This they call as Bhartiykaran of syllabus.

As RSS is a multithreaded hydra one of its pracharak Dinanath Batra has set up ‘Shiksha Bachao Abhiyan Samiti’ which has been pressurizing various publishers to drop the books which are not conforming to their ideology. One recalls their pressuring withdrawal of Wendy Doniger’s ‘The Hindus’, as it does present the ancient India through the concerns of dalits and women. Mr. Batra has already come out with a set of nine books for school curriculum, giving the RSS view of the past and RSS understanding of social sciences. These have already been translated into Gujarati and thousands of the sets of these books are being used in Gujarat Schools.

The present step of deleting parts of curriculum which gives the basics of Indian Nationalism, secularism and human rights is a further step in the same direction. These are the topics which have made the Hindu nationalists uncomfortable during last few years. They have been defaming secularism. They removed it from the preamble of Indian constitution, when they put out an ad on the eve of Republic day in 2015. From last few decades since the Ram Temple movement was brought up, simultaneously the secular ethos of India’s freedom movement and secular values of Indian constitution have been constantly criticized. Many an RSS ideologues and BJP leaders have been asking for change of Indian Constitution for this very reason.

Secularism is part of the concept of Indian nationalism. In the name of religious nationalism, sectarian divisive nationalism they have been attacking various student leaders in particular. When we study Nationalism, the very genesis of Indian nationalism tells us the plurality of our freedom movement with its anti colonial roots. The struggle was for Indian nationalism and so the Muslims and Hindu communalists kept aloof from this great struggle against colonial masters, it was this struggle which built the Indian nation with all its diversity.

Similarly as we have equal rights as citizens the chapters on citizenship are being dropped. Federalism has been the core part of India’s administrative and political structure. As the dictatorial tendencies are becoming stronger, federalism is bound to suffer and that explains the dropping of this subject. Democracy is decentralization of power. Power reaching the lowermost part of the system, the villages and average citizens. This got reflected in Local self Government. The power is distributed among villages, cities, state and center. By removing chapters on federalism and local self government, the indications of the ideology of ruling party are on display.

While we are not dealing with all the portents of the planned omissions, one more aspect that related to dropping of chapter on Human rights needs our attention. The concept of Human rights and dignity are interlinked. This concept of Human rights also has international ramifications. India is signatory to many an UN covenants related to Human rights. The indications are clear that now rights will be for the few elite and ‘duties’ for the large deprived sections will be put on the forefront.

In a way this incidental ‘Corona gifted opportunity’ to the ruling Government is being fully used to enhance the agenda of ruling party in the arena of Educational Curriculum. The part of curriculum with which the ruling party is uncomfortable is being removed. This act of omission does supplement their other acts of commission in changing the shape of educational curriculum, which are reflected in RSS affiliates’ suggestions to MHRD regarding Bhartiyakaran of contents of syllabus. As per this the things like regarding the great epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata as History, the things like India having all the stem cell technology, plastic surgery, aviation science etc. will have a place in the changes planned by communal forces!

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Ram Puniyani
January 14,2020

In the beginning of January 2020 two very disturbing events were reported from Pakistan. One was the attack on Nankana Sahib, the holy shrine where Sant Guru Nanak was born. While one report said that the place has been desecrated, the other stated that it was a fight between two Muslim groups. Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan condemned the incident and the main accused Imran Chisti was arrested. The matter related to abduction and conversion of a Sikh girl Jagjit Kaur, daughter of Pathi (One who reads Holy Guru Granth Sahib in Gurudwara) of the Gurudwara. In another incident one Sikh youth Ravinder Singh, who was out on shopping for his marriage, was shot dead in Peshawar.

While these condemnable attacks took place on the Sikh minority in Pakistan, BJP was quick enough to jump to state that it is events like this which justify the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Incidentally CAA is the Act which is discriminatory and relates to citizenship with Religion, which is not as per the norms of Indian constitution. There are constant debates and propaganda that population of Hindus has come down drastically in Pakistan and Bangla Desh. Amit Shah, the Home minister stated that in Pakistan the population of Hindus has come down from 23% at the time of partition to 3.7% at present. And in Bangla Desh it has come down from 22% to present 8%.

While not denying the fact that the religious minorities are getting a rough deal in both these countries, the figures which are presented are totally off the mark. These figures don’t take into consideration the painful migrations, which took place at the time of partition and formation of Bangla Desh later. Pakistan census figures tell a different tale. Their first census was held in 1951. As per this census the overall percentage of Non Muslim in Pakistan (East and West together) was 14.2%, of this in West Pakistan (Now Pakistan) it was 3.44 and in Eat Pakistan it was 23.2. In the census held in Pakistan 1998 it became 3.72%. As far as Bangla Desh is concerned the share of Non Muslims has gone down from 23.2 (1951) to 9.6% in 2011.

The largest minority of Pakistan is Ahmadis, (https://minorityrights.org/country/pakistan/) who are close to 4 Million and are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan. In Bangla Desh the major migrations of Hindus from Bangla Desh took place in the backdrop of Pakistan army’s atrocities in the then East Pakistan.

As far as UN data on refugees in India it went up by 17% between 2016-2019 and largest numbers were from Tibet and Sri Lanka.  (https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publication…)

The state of minorities is in a way the index of strength of democracy. Most South Asian Countries have not been able to sustain democratic values properly. In Pakistan, the Republic began with Jinnah’s classic speech where secularism was to be central credo of Pakistan. This 11th August speech was in a way what the state policy should be, as per which people of all faiths are free to practice their religion. Soon enough the logic of ‘Two Nation theory” and formation of Pakistan, a separate state for Muslim took over. Army stepped in and dictatorship was to reign there intermittently. Democratic elements were suppressed and the worst came when Zia Ul Haq Islamized the state in collusion with Maulanas. The army was already a strong presence in Pakistan. The popular formulation for Pakistan was that it is ruled by three A’s, Army, America and Allah (Mullah).

Bangla Desh had a different trajectory. Its very formation was a nail in the coffin of ‘two nation theory’; that religion can be the basis of a state. Bangla Desh did begin as a secular republic but communal forces and secular forces kept struggling for their dominance and in 1988 it also became Islamic republic. At another level Myanmar, in the grip of military dictatorship, with democratic elements trying to retain their presence is also seeing a hard battle. Democracy or not, the army and Sanghas (Buddhist Sang has) are strong, in Myanmar as well. The most visible result is persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

Similar phenomenon is dominating in Sri Lanka also where Budhhist Sanghas and army have strong say in the political affairs, irrespective of which Government is ruling. Muslim and Christian minorities are a big victim there, while Tamils (Hindus, Christians etc.) suffered the biggest damage as ethnic and religious minorities. India had the best prospect of democracy, pluralism and secularism flourishing here. The secular constitution, the outcome of India’s freedom struggle, the leadership of Gandhi and Nehru did ensure the rooting of democracy and secularism in a strong way.

India so far had best democratic credentials amongst all the south Asian countries. Despite that though the population of minorities rose mainly due to poverty and illiteracy, their overall marginalisation was order of the day, it went on worsening with the rise of communal forces, with communal forces resorting to identity issues, and indulging in propaganda against minorities.

While other South Asian countries should had followed India to focus more on infrastructure and political culture of liberalism, today India is following the footsteps of Pakistan. The retrograde march of India is most visible in the issues which have dominated the political space during last few years. Issues like Ram Temple, Ghar Wapasi, Love Jihad, Beef-Cow are now finding their peak in CAA.

India’s reversal towards a polity with religion’s identity dominating the political scene was nicely presented by the late Pakistani poetess Fahmida Riaz in her poem, Tum bhi Hum Jaise Nikle (You also turned out to be like us). While trying to resist communal forces has been an arduous task, it is becoming more difficult by the day. This phenomenon has been variously called, Fundamentalism, Communalism or religious nationalism among others. Surely it has nothing to do with the religion as practiced by the great Saint and Sufi traditions of India; it resorts mainly to political mobilization by using religion as a tool.

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Ashi
 - 
Tuesday, 14 Jan 2020

If Malaysia implement similar NRC/CAA, India and China are the loser.

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